Marquis de montcalm biography
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However, he changed his mind on hearing of the fall of the fortified town of Louisburg, beside the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, and Fort Frontenac, in the estuary of Lake Ontario. Had Abercromby surveyed the terrain more closely he could not have failed to see that to the right of and below Montcalm’s defence work, which stretched across the crest of the rising ground, half a mile of level, open land extended to the lake and back to the fort.
In a dispatch to the minister of War he admitted that the audacity of the assault would have been regarded as foolhardy in Europe. Vaudreuil rejected Montcalm’s recommendations. Instead of using his regulars Montcalm authorized a night attack by 1,400 volunteers led by Jean-Daniel Dumas* – including a detachment of schoolboys who had never been in action before – and only 100 regulars.
Montcalm was responsible only for the discipline, administration, and internal ordering of the army battalions. Vaudreuil was the main target of Montcalm’s hostility, but Bigot, although Montcalm was openly on good terms with him, was also the subject of detailed accusations. All he had to do was use part of his force to hold Montcalm, then march the remainder round on the north flank and take the French in the rear.
He also asked that instructions be sent on the capitulation terms the French should request, and orders given empowering Montcalm, 24 hours before the capitulation took effect, to muster what remained of the regular troops and embark in a fleet of canoes for Louisiana. He was merely the commander in the field, had to obey any orders he received, and was strictly enjoined to keep on good terms with the governor general.
Her parents were both members of old and powerful families of the robe, which may help to account for her husband’s subsequent rapid rise in the military hierarchy.
At the outbreak of the War of the Austrian Succession Montcalm obtained the post of aide-de-camp to lieutenant-general the Marquis de La Fare and was wounded while besieged with the army of the Maréchal de Belle-Isle in Prague.
This missive, if received, was without immediate effect. But the needed supplies were sent and the bulk of them reached the colony.
This situation offered Montcalm an opportunity to attack Vaudreuil and the entire Canadian administration, which he labelled as totally corrupt and hopelessly inefficient. French control of Lake Ontario was now assured, the northwestern flank of New York was open to attack, and the danger of an assault on either Fort Frontenac or Niagara (near Youngstown, N.Y.) dissipated.
Vaudreuil was pleased with what he referred to as “my victory.” Montcalm still had reservations.
Had he brought his cannon into play Montcalm’s log wall would quickly have been smashed to kindling, and his troops with it. Vaudreuil was irate over Montcalm’s decision. Unfortunately, too many subsequent Anglo-Canadian, British, and American historians have slavishly accepted his interpretations and value judgements.
His point was well taken, but Machault, minister of Marine, had already seen to it. The previous year a sealed packet had been sent to Bigot to be opened in the event of Vaudreuil’s death, containing letters patent delegating the governor general’s authority to Montcalm, and, in the event of his death, to Lévis.
Another serious problem, inflation, was not so easily solved.
Conversely H.-R. Montcalm complained continually, and bitterly, that he and his officers could not live on their pay, even though they were paid twice as much as the Canadian regulars. Having arrived later that winter, the future navigator submitted to the court a set of reports asking for reinforcements. Admiral Saunders declared that the fleet would have to sail by 20 September at the latest.
Before admitting defeat and departing, Wolfe had to launch a final assault, although he had little confidence of success.
For both generals in an 18th-century battle to be killed is indication enough that the tactics employed left something to be desired.