Sirimavo ratwatte dias bandaranaike biography
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Bandaranaike's compromise on cabinet roles and program priorities demonstrated pragmatic leadership, preserving party autonomy while broadening appeal.[11]These efforts culminated in the United Front's landslide victory in the May 1970 general election, where the coalition secured 115 of 151 seats, with the SLFP alone gaining 91, restoring Bandaranaike to the premiership.[59] The rebound underscored her success in revitalizing the SLFP from opposition weakness, though it relied heavily on coalition dynamics rather than standalone resurgence, reflecting the era's polarized multiparty landscape.[11]
Critique of UNP governance
During her tenure as Leader of the Opposition from March 1965 to May 1970, Sirimavo Bandaranaike and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) focused their critiques of the United National Party (UNP) government under Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake on perceived failures in economic management, ethnic policy, and foreign alignment, portraying these as reversals of nationalistic and socialist progress achieved under prior SLFP rule.[60] Bandaranaike argued that the UNP's shift toward free-market reforms, including partial de-nationalization of industries and relaxation of import controls, prioritized urban elites and foreign interests over rural Sinhalese communities, exacerbating socioeconomic disparities inherited from earlier closed-economy challenges.[61]A central economic indictment was the government's handling of unemployment, which surged to approximately 550,000 by 1969–1970 amid stagnant job creation in agriculture and industry, despite promises of liberalization to spur growth; SLFP rhetoric highlighted this as evidence of neglect for educated youth and rural laborers, fueling unrest that presaged the 1971 insurrection.[62] Bandaranaike contended that UNP policies, such as encouraging private enterprise and foreign investment without sufficient safeguards, led to rising costs of living and dependency on Western aid, contrasting sharply with SLFP's emphasis on self-sufficiency and nationalization to redistribute resources.[63][64]On ethnic matters, Bandaranaike sharply attacked the UNP's April 1966 administrative regulations, which implemented Tamil as an official language in the Northern and Eastern Provinces alongside Sinhala, as a betrayal of the 1956 Sinhala Only policy and an invitation to communal fragmentation; she mobilized SLFP supporters for satyagraha protests and a nationwide hartal, framing the measures as concessions to Tamil federalist demands that undermined Sinhalese cultural primacy and national cohesion.[65] These actions, SLFP claimed, risked reviving pre-1956 ethnic tensions without addressing underlying Sinhalese grievances over resource allocation in Tamil-majority areas.[66]In foreign policy, Bandaranaike accused the Senanayake administration of drifting from non-alignment toward pro-Western alignment, exemplified by increased U.S.economic aid and Senanayake's 1967 visit to Washington, which she depicted as compromising sovereignty for short-term relief and echoing colonial dependencies rejected under her prior premiership.[67] These critiques, amplified through SLFP rallies and parliamentary debates, positioned the party as defenders of egalitarian nationalism, contributing to their 1970 electoral resurgence despite internal divisions.[63]
Second premiership (1970–1977)
1970 coalition victory
In preparation for the 1970 parliamentary election, Sirimavo Bandaranaike forged the United Front coalition in 1968, uniting her Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) with the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL).[59] This alliance sought to consolidate leftist opposition against the United National Party (UNP) government, which had held power since defeating the SLFP in 1965, by addressing economic grievances and promising socialist reforms amid growing labor unrest and dissatisfaction with UNP policies.[19]The election occurred on May 27, 1970, under the first-past-the-post system across 145 constituencies for 151 seats in the House of Representatives.[68] The United Front campaigned on a platform criticizing the UNP's handling of strikes, inflation, and perceived favoritism toward Western interests, positioning itself as a defender of national sovereignty and social equity.[69] With approximately 5.5 million registered voters and 4,953,789 valid votes cast, the coalition achieved a decisive victory.[68]The United Front secured 91 seats overall, enabling it to form the government without needing further alliances.[68] The SLFP obtained 1,817,349 votes and 77 seats, the LSSP garnered 433,244 votes and 19 seats, and the CPSL received 169,149 votes and 6 seats.[68] In contrast, the UNP, contesting with 128 candidates, won 1,879,996 votes but only 17 seats.[68] Bandaranaike herself retained her Attanagalla seat with 31,612 votes, securing a majority of over 21,000.[70][69]The new House convened on July 7, 1970, and Bandaranaike was sworn in as Prime Minister, marking her return to office and the first time a leftist coalition held a parliamentary majority in Ceylon's history.[68] This outcome reflected voter backlash against the UNP's governance, bolstered by the coalition's unified front despite ideological differences among its Marxist partners.[71]Major reforms and constitutional changes
| Sirimavo Bandaranaike | |
Prime Minister of Sri Lanka | |
| Born | April 17, 1916 |
|---|---|
| Died | October 10, 2000 |
| Political party | Sri Lanka Freedom Party |
| Religion | Buddhist |
Sirimavo Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike (April 17, 1916 – October 10, 2000) was a politician from Sri Lanka.
B," she could skillfully use popular emotion to boost her support, frequently bursting into tears as she pledged to continue her dead husband's policies. This article abides by terms of the Creative Commons CC-by-sa 3.0 License (CC-by-sa), which may be used and disseminated with proper attribution. At the end of that year, she was defeated on a confidence vote, losing the general election that followed.
The land reform package, implemented in the period 1972-75, set a ceiling for ownership of land and took over plantations owned by Sterling companies and a host of state institutions were established for the management of the land acquired by the state.The expansion of the role of the state in day-to-day economic affairs gave sharp rise to public corporations.
The Expedient Utopian: Bandaranaike and Ceylon. She was also mother of Anura Bandaranaike, Sri Lankan Tourism Minister and Sunethra Bandaranaike, philanthropist. Influences from familial discussions on Ceylon's administrative challenges under British rule, coupled with the convent's discipline, fostered her later affinity for measured public roles, though she pursued no higher education before her 1940 marriage.[19]
Marriage to S.W.R.D.
Legacy
Bandaranaike is mainly remembered for policies that alienated that Tamil minority and fueled the confict that has waged in Sri Lanka since 1983.
The 1973 oil crisis had a traumatic effect on the Sri Lankan economy; the government had no access to Western aid and her socialist policies stifled economic activity.
"She was the only man in her cabinet," one of her officials commented during the height of the insurgency. This illustrates the challenge facing many former colonies as they assert a post-colonial identity and seek to value what was often devalued by the colonial powers, that is, their own cultural heritage.
Style of functioning
Known to her fellow Sri Lankans as "Mrs.
ISBN 9780899507903
Credits
New World Encyclopedia writers and editors rewrote and completed the Wikipedia article in accordance with New World Encyclopediastandards.
Her second term saw a new Constitution introduced, which ended the country's status as a Commonwealth realm.
The process of decolonization, i.e. Bandaranaike's martyrdom and commitment to completing his socialist and nationalist agenda from the 1956 revolution, utilizing 16mm films, pamphlets, and mass rallies where Sirimavo often wept publicly, resonating particularly with female voters.[39][38] To consolidate anti-UNP support, the SLFP formed no-contest electoral pacts with leftist parties including the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), Communist Party (CP), and Federal Party (FP).[38]In the July 20, 1960, election, the SLFP achieved a landslide victory, capturing 75 of the 151 seats in the House of Representatives, while the UNP won only 30.[4][40] Results were announced on July 21, leading to Sirimavo Bandaranaike's appointment as Prime Minister on July 22, 1960, marking her as the world's first elected female head of government in a democratic nation.[4][38] To comply with constitutional requirements, she was appointed to the Senate on August 5, 1960.[38]
First premiership (1960–1965)
Key domestic policies
One of Bandaranaike's initial actions was the enforcement of the Official Language Act of 1956, designating Sinhala as the sole official language of Ceylon effective January 1, 1961, thereby replacing English and excluding Tamil from governmental use.[41] This policy, inherited from her late husband's administration, prioritized administrative efficiency for the Sinhalese majority but intensified ethnic grievances among Tamils, who comprised about 11% of the population and relied on English or Tamil for public sector access.[41] Implementation involved phasing out English in civil service examinations and official correspondence, leading to protests and administrative disruptions in Tamil-majority areas.[19]In December 1960, shortly after assuming office, Bandaranaike nationalized all assisted private schools—primarily those run by religious missions receiving state funds—transferring their management to the government to promote secular education and reduce foreign denominational influence.[41] This affected over 500 institutions, including Catholic schools that educated a significant portion of the urban elite, and aimed to standardize curricula under state control while expanding access for rural Sinhalese students.[19] The measure curtailed missionary autonomy but faced resistance from affected communities, contributing to Catholic opposition against her government.[41]Economically, Bandaranaike pursued socialist measures including the nationalization of bus transport services under the Ceylon Transport Board to improve rural connectivity and affordability, alongside price controls on essentials like rice and increased subsidies for paddy farmers to bolster food security.[19] These built on prior initiatives but expanded state intervention, with rice rations doubled for low-income households and agrarian support extended via the Paddy Lands Act of 1958, which protected tenant farmers from eviction and redistributed some lands.[19] However, such interventions strained public finances, fostering dependency on imports and contributing to inflation rates exceeding 5% by 1964.[42]Foreign policy orientation
Bandaranaike's foreign policy orientation during her initial term as Prime Minister of Ceylon from 1960 to 1965 centered on non-alignment, continuing and reinforcing the framework established by her husband S.W.R.D.This followed a civil disobedience campaign by part of the country's minority Tamil population who were outraged by her decision to drop English as an official language and her order to conduct all government business in Sinhala, the language of the majority Sinhalese. Tamil has been re-recognized as an official language, however, but despite some positive developments, peace has not yet been achieved.
Bandaranaike pursed policies that encouraged the Buddhist religion, promoted Sinhalese and Buddhist culture, which alienated the Tamil minority. This doctrine prioritized equitable relations with all nations, eschewing formal alliances in the Cold War bipolar structure, and aimed at positioning Ceylon as a neutral mediator in global affairs.[43] The policy derived from pragmatic national interests, including economic development needs amid limited Westernaid, leading to diversified diplomatic engagements without ideological commitment to either bloc.[44]In bilateral relations, Bandaranaike pursued balanced ties with major powers, evidenced by her state visit to the Soviet Union from October 21 to 28, 1963, where she negotiated technical assistance and economic cooperation agreements with Premier Alexei Kosygin to bolster Ceylon's industrialization efforts.[45] This engagement complemented ongoing relations with China, including sustained recognition of the People's Republic since 1957, and maintained amicable links with India despite regional tensions.[25] Such moves reflected a strategic pivot toward socialist states for aid, while avoiding overt alignment, as Ceylon received Soviet machinery and expertise without military pacts.[46]A pivotal demonstration of this orientation occurred amid the 1962 Sino-Indian border war, when Bandaranaike initiated mediation by proposing a conference of six non-aligned Afro-Asian countries—Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Ghana, Indonesia, and the United Arab Republic—to broker a ceasefire and resolution between India and China.[47] Launched in November 1962, the effort highlighted Ceylon's aspiration to leverage non-alignment for regional stability, though it yielded limited immediate success due to the conflict's intensity.[48] This initiative, rooted in Ceylon's geographic proximity and neutral stance, enhanced its stature within emerging non-aligned forums, prefiguring greater involvement in the 1961 Belgrade Summit.[44]Overall, Bandaranaike's approach pragmatically navigated superpower rivalries by prioritizing economic pragmatism over ideological purity, fostering multilateral ties that supported domestic priorities like importsubstitution, while critiquing colonial legacies in international speeches.[49] This non-doctrinaire realism distinguished Ceylon's policy from stricter bloc adherents, though it drew accusations of leftist tilt from Western observers.[50]
Political opposition and electoral defeat
During her first premiership, Sirimavo Bandaranaike's government encountered significant opposition from the United National Party (UNP), led by Dudley Senanayake, which criticized the administration's socialist-oriented policies, including the nationalization of key industries such as tea plantations, bus services, and oil distribution without full compensation to foreign owners.[41] These measures prompted Western donors, including the United States and United Kingdom, to suspend aid, exacerbating economic shortages, rising prices, and the imposition of rice rationing by 1964.[51] The UNP highlighted these failures as evidence of mismanagement, arguing that the shift toward non-aligned foreign policy and ties with communist states had isolated Ceylon economically.[52]The rigorous enforcement of the Sinhala Only Act further fueled opposition from Tamil communities, culminating in a widespread satyagraha (non-violent protest) campaign in January 1961 organized by the Federal Party, which protested the marginalization of Tamil language use in public administration and education.[53] Meanwhile, internal dissent within leftist circles and Buddhist clergy groups occasionally challenged the government's handling of social reforms, though the primary parliamentary opposition remained the UNP, which gained ground in by-elections, such as one in 1963 where it captured a Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) seat.[54]Tensions peaked in late 1964 when Bandaranaike's coalition with the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) fractured amid economic woes; on December 9, 1964, the government lost a no-confidence motion by a single vote (73-74) following the resignation of an independent MP, prompting her to prorogue Parliament and dissolve it on December 11 to delay immediate repercussions.[55][56]In the ensuing March 22, 1965, parliamentary elections, the UNP secured 66 seats in the 151-member House of Representatives, forming a "national government" coalition with smaller parties, while the SLFP won only 41 seats.[57] Senanayake's campaign emphasized economic stabilization, compensation for expropriated assets, and concessions to minorities via the Dudley Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Pact signed on March 24, 1965, which promised regional Tamil-language councils—contrasting Bandaranaike's record of ethnic policy rigidity and fiscal strain that alienated urban voters and business interests.[58] The defeat marked the end of SLFP rule, with Bandaranaike assuming the role of Leader of the Opposition.[57]Opposition leadership (1965–1970)
Rebuilding the SLFP
Following the Sri Lanka Freedom Party's (SLFP) defeat in the March 1965 general election, in which the United National Party (UNP) won 66 seats to the SLFP's 41 in the 151-seat House of Representatives, Sirimavo Bandaranaike retained her parliamentary seat in Attanagalla and assumed the role of Leader of the Opposition.[59] As SLFP chairperson since 1960, she prioritized internal reorganization to counter the party's fragmentation from policy disputes during her premiership, including the loss of some MPs over the Tamil language policy and nationalization efforts.Her role as the leader of the opposition and the leader of the SLFP was exemplary.