Sir mekere morauta biography books

Sir Mekere entered the national parliament in July 1997 as the member for Moresby North-West. The reorganization of the natural resources sector by the Morauta government led to a stable income from the sector. Morauta had advocated already a change of name of PMD to make a fresh start.

A tailings dam broke and BHP was faced with big claims of environmental damages. Proposed measures included troop reductions from approximately 3,000 personnel and enhanced training to foster professionalism, amid revelations of budgetary overruns exceeding 20% of defense allocations. The Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates (OLIPPAC) had as its main provision that MPs had to remain loyal to the Prime Minister they had chosen whether they had supported the PM on a party platform or as independents.

Its core function was to stimulate the privatisation of SOES and managing the dividends that came from those enterprises. A fiscally conservative attitude of the Somare government as well as high commodity prices in the second half of the decade were important as well, but his successor, Prime Minister Michael Somare, left the reforms of the Morauta government intact and could benefit from those.

In March 2001, a mutiny erupted at the Moem Barracks, with soldiers seizing weapons in protest against pay reforms and leadership changes; the standoff resolved after Morauta conceded to defer immediate cuts, pledging a PNGDF-led review while loyal units quelled the rebellion.^[51][23] These steps aimed to prevent recurrence of past interventions in politics, linking military discipline to broader foreign assurances of internal stability for aid eligibility.^[52]In a notable foreign policy pivot, the government repudiated the prior administration's recognition of Taiwan within weeks of taking office, establishing diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China on July 21, 1999, to access development financing and trade opportunities amid economic distress.

Wingti had succeeded to return to parliament. Police response involved tear gas and gunfire, resulting in at least three student deaths and prompting calls for Morauta's resignation, framing the reforms as repressive and detrimental to youth opportunities.^[55][56] Earlier, a military mutiny in March 2001 highlighted discontent among security forces, with soldiers rioting over pay and conditions after Morauta missed a scheduled meeting, underscoring broader institutional strains from budget constraints.^[57][58]Policy critiques from opposition figures and affected groups centered on uneven reform benefits, with claims of insufficient welfare safeguards amid retrenchments and service disruptions, potentially widening urban-rural disparities.^[59] However, these measures averted sovereign default—evidenced by depleted foreign reserves of US$89 million in mid-1999 and stalled bond issuances—and restored fiscal credibility, securing World Bank support by December 2001 and enabling average GDP growth of 5.6% from 2002 to 2015.^[23][59]Entrenched political interests, resistant to anti-corruption drives and privatization, mounted opposition through parliamentary instability, contributing to multiple no-confidence threats and the government's ultimate defeat in the chaotic 2002 elections, marked by 100 deaths, fraud, and 74% incumbent turnover reflecting voter frustration with short-term hardships.^[54][22] Despite such challenges, empirical outcomes demonstrated causal links between fiscal discipline and long-term stability, countering narratives of unmitigated inequality by preventing deeper collapse that would have amplified social vulnerabilities.^[59]

Post-Premiership Political Career

Opposition Leadership and Electoral Defeats

Following his government's defeat in the June 2002 general election, where the People's Democratic Movement (PDM) secured only 12 seats compared to 39 previously, Morauta assumed the role of Leader of the Opposition from 2002 to 2004, heading efforts to scrutinize the incoming administration of Michael Somare's National Alliance Party.^[60] In this capacity, he led parliamentary debates highlighting fiscal indiscipline, including excessive public spending and resource wastage under Somare, arguing that such practices undermined the economic stabilization achieved during his premiership.^[1] Morauta's opposition focused on evidence of budgetary overruns and inefficient allocations, positioning PDM and its successor Papua New Guinea Party as advocates for renewed fiscal restraint amid coalition fragmentation.^[24]The 2002 electoral outcome reflected voter shifts toward Somare's coalition-building approach, with Morauta's reformist agenda failing to retain parliamentary majority despite prior achievements in debt restructuring.^[1] By 2007, Morauta renewed criticisms of the Somare government, publicly stating it lacked direction, violated laws, and squandered public funds, particularly in resource management sectors where corruption allegations surfaced through parliamentary inquiries.^[61] These critiques underpinned attempts to rally opposition support for no-confidence motions, grounded in documented instances of procurement irregularities and unaccounted expenditures reported in oversight committees, though coalition defections prevented success.^[24]The 2007 general election further entrenched opposition defeats, as Somare's alliances secured re-election, leaving Morauta's Papua New Guinea Party in minority status with limited seats and influence.^[24] Throughout this period, Morauta's leadership emphasized persistent calls for accountability, including probes into government contracts linked to fiscal excesses, but electoral dynamics favoring patronage networks sustained Somare's hold on power.^[61] This phase underscored the challenges of maintaining opposition cohesion in Papua New Guinea's fluid parliamentary system, where Morauta's focus on evidence-based fiscal critiques contrasted with prevailing coalition incentives.

Return to Parliament in 2017

Morauta was re-elected to Papua New Guinea's National Parliament on July 27, 2017, securing the open electorate seat for Moresby North-West amid the country's chaotic national general election, which featured widespread violence, bribery allegations, and logistical failures.^[62][63] His victory followed an announcement in February 2017 to contest the polls, framing his campaign as a response to five years of governance that had allegedly transformed the nation's character for the worse through unprecedented corruption.^[64]Upon returning to Parliament as parliament convened in August 2017, Morauta joined the opposition benches, emerging as a vocal critic of Prime MinisterPeter O'Neill's administration, particularly its fiscal policies that had driven public debt from 19% of GDP in 2012 to around 40% by the late 2010s.^[65] He accused O'Neill's government of resource mismanagement, including interference in sovereign wealth funds and central bank operations, which he described in June 2017 as turning the bank into an "inanimate puppet" fueling corruption and economic instability.^[66] Morauta advocated a return to the economic stabilization principles of his own 1999–2002 premiership, emphasizing prudent budgeting and reduced borrowing to avert fiscal collapse.^[9]Morauta's opposition stance extended to alliances with dissident MPs, including James Marape, who as Finance Minister under O'Neill defected in early 2019; Morauta publicly endorsed the push for leadership change, declaring that like-minded leaders sought better governance amid O'Neill's "government of one man, for one man."^[67][68] This collaboration contributed to the successful vote of no confidence against O'Neill on May 30, 2019, where Marape secured 101 votes to Morauta's nominal 8 as an alternative candidate, marking a pivotal shift influenced by their shared anti-O'Neill front.^[69][70]

Final Political Stance and Alliances

Upon returning to Parliament in 2017 as the member for Moresby North-West, Morauta aligned with the opposition against Prime Minister Peter O'Neill's administration, initially joining the Pangu Pati alongside other independents to bolster its numbers as the largest opposition bloc.^[71][72] This move reflected his ongoing commitment to fiscal conservatism and institutional reform, positions he had championed since his premiership, amid concerns over rising public debt—which reached 38.2% of GDP by 2017—and alleged mismanagement of state assets like the Ok Tedi mine, whose dividends were redirected to the government budget.^[9][73]Morauta's alliance with Pangu frayed in September 2017 when much of the party defected to O'Neill's coalition, prompting him to denounce the shift as undermining opposition integrity and recommitting to independent opposition status while retaining ties to reform-minded MPs.^[74][72] By 2019, as public discontent grew over economic stagnation and a foreign exchange shortage exceeding K6 billion, Morauta backed the opposition's no-confidence motion against O'Neill, supporting Pangu leader James Marape's candidacy for prime minister in the vote that ousted O'Neill on May 30, 2019.^[69] However, when nominated himself, Morauta secured only eight votes against Marape's 101, highlighting limited coalition support despite his reformist credentials.^[69][75]Post-transition, Morauta expressed skepticism toward Marape's government, warning that it retained O'Neill-era ministers and policies, including unchecked borrowing that pushed debt to over K30 billion by 2020, and advocating instead for austerity measures, anti-corruption enforcement, and privatization

Who is Mekere Morauta?

Sir Mekere Morauta, KCMG is a Papua New Guineaneconomist and political figure.

MPs used to shift allegiances easily and created therefore political instability.