Iskandar safa biography of barack
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La Cour de Londres rejette les accusations, qui pour elle relèvent d'un tribunal arbitral[45],[46]. No declassified or judicial findings have substantiated formal agency employment or handler relationships across French, Israeli, or other services.
Media Ownership and Influence
Acquisition of Media Outlets
In April 2015, Iskandar Safa acquired the Groupe Valmonde from the pharmaceutical company Pierre Fabre, gaining control of the conservative weekly magazine Valeurs Actuelles and the personal finance monthly Mieux vivre votre argent.[5][57] The purchase, conducted in partnership with media executive Étienne Mougeotte, marked Safa's entry into French print media ownership and positioned Valeurs Actuelles—a publication known for its right-wing editorial stance—as a key asset in his portfolio.[30]Safa expanded into regional television in July 2019, when his holding company Privinvest Médias purchased a 39% stake in Azur TV, a Nice-based local private broadcaster, along with affiliated channels Var Azur TV and Provence Azur TV.[58][59] These outlets primarily served the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur region with local news and programming along the Mediterranean coast.[59]Earlier efforts included a late 2012 joint bid with Étienne Mougeotte for the insolvent Groupe Hersant Media, which encompassed several regional newspapers but was awarded to Bernard Tapie.[16] In 2019, Safa negotiated to acquire the regional daily Nice-Matin but ultimately withdrew from the deal.[5] These moves reflected Safa's interest in bolstering media presence in southern France, though only the Valmonde and Azur TV transactions succeeded.Political Orientation and Impact
Iskandar Safa acquired the publishing house Valmonde in 2015, thereby gaining control over Valeurs Actuelles, a longstanding French weekly magazine with a circulation of around 106,000 copies as of 2022.Il passe son enfance à Jounieh[3].
Mort
[modifier | modifier le code]Il meurt le à Mougins (Alpes-Maritimes) des suites d'un cancer[33],[34],[11]. Following his MBA, he founded Triacorp in France in 1986, specializing in arranging offset packages for Western arms manufacturers.
En 1975, il rejoint brièvement la faction militaire laïque des Gardiens des Cèdres, qui fait partie de la coalition du Front libanais à prédominance chrétienne et alliée des Forces libanaises, époque à laquelle il est alors surnommé « Sandy », un surnom qu’il gardera plus tard dans sa vie[4],[3],[5].
La rédaction du Point condamne l'intervention de cet informateur[36], qui est finalement relaxé pour non-lieu[37]. Il détient également un important portefeuille immobilier et hôtelier dans le Sud de la France. Voir sur lexpress.fr.
En février 2021, s'ouvre devant la Haute cour de justice britannique un second procès initié par le président du Mozambique contre les banques suisses ayant accepté le montage, et contre Privinvest qu'il accuse de corruption.
Safa’s legacy endures through his family and his lasting impact on the communities he has touched.
Considéré comme un homme de nombreux réseaux, souvent sulfureux, il a été cité dans différents scandales, notamment au Mozambique. In 2007, Privinvest partnered to establish Abu Dhabi Mar (ADM), a shipyard in the United Arab Emirates focused on advanced naval and superyacht construction, expanding the group's footprint in the Gulf region.[16] By 2010, it acquired a 75.1% stake in Hellenic Shipyards (HSY) near Athens, Greece, for a nominal EUR 1, aiming to tap into European repair and refit markets despite subsequent operational challenges.[20] These moves transformed Privinvest into one of Europe's and the Middle East's leading privately held shipbuilders, with facilities producing mega yachts alongside defense contracts for entities in Africa, Asia, and beyond.[21]The group's expansion emphasized vertical integration, incorporating design, engineering, and outfitting services across its yards, which by the mid-2010s included operations in Germany via Nobiskrug for superyacht builds.[24] This phase solidified Privinvest's reputation for delivering turnkey solutions in stealth technology and high-speed vessels, though it later faced scrutiny in legal disputes unrelated to core operations.[5]
Key Naval and Commercial Contracts
Privinvest, under Iskandar Safa's leadership as co-founder and CEO, secured several prominent naval contracts through its subsidiaries, focusing on corvettes, frigates, and patrol vessels for various governments.En août 2019, la justice mozambicaine lance des poursuites contre Iskandar Safa, dont le groupe de chantier naval est au centre d'un scandale financier d'un montant de deux milliards de dollars, et qui a mené à la cessation de paiement de l'État en 2016. De plus, avant le changement de régime libyen, il est très actif dans le pays et, selon certains médias, il a un accès direct à Mouammar Kadhafi grâce à Saïf al-Islam Kadhafi, l’un des fils du guide libyen[4].
Iskandar Safa
Iskandar Safa (1955 – 29 January 2024) was a Lebanese-born French businessman who co-founded and served as chief executive of Privinvest Group, an international conglomerate specializing in naval shipbuilding, yachtconstruction, and defense-related engineering with facilities across Europe and the Middle East.[1][2] Born to a Maronite Christian family in Lebanon, Safa built a fortune estimated in the billions through Privinvest's contracts to supply warships and patrol vessels to over 40 navies worldwide, including high-profile deals in the Middle East and Africa.[3][2]Safa's career, marked by strategic acquisitions of shipyards such as those in Cherbourg, France, and Abu Dhabi, positioned Privinvest as a key player in global maritime defense amid geopolitical shifts favoring non-Western suppliers.[4][5] However, his legacy is inextricably linked to the Mozambique "hidden debts" scandal, where Privinvest secured loans exceeding $800 million for tuna fishing and security projects in the early 2010s through alleged bribes totaling over $136 million paid to Mozambican officials and Credit Suisse bankers.[6][2] In a landmark 2024 UK High Court ruling, Safa and Privinvest were held liable for the corrupt scheme, which defaulted and plunged Mozambique into economic crisis, with the country awarded damages potentially exceeding $1 billion; Privinvest's appeal efforts continued posthumously via Safa's heirs.[7][8]Beyond business, Safa engaged in philanthropy, supporting Arab youth initiatives through foundations like Takreem, while maintaining a low public profile despite his wealth and ties to Lebanese political networks from his youth.[9] His death at age 68 from undisclosed causes left unresolved legal battles, including ongoing suits in multiple jurisdictions, underscoring the opaque intersections of private enterprise, state contracts, and corruption risks in emerging markets.[2][10]
Early Life and Background
Lebanese Origins and Militia Involvement
Iskandar Safa was born on April 3, 1955, in Beirut, Lebanon, into a prominent Maronite Christian family originating from Ghadir in northern Lebanon.[11][12] His family was affluent, with a contracting firm that amassed wealth through projects in Saudi Arabia, and his father served as a high-ranking civil servant during the French Mandate period before entering politics.[13][14] Safa lost his father at the age of ten, after which his mother assumed a central role in raising the family.[15]The Lebanese Civil War, erupting in April 1975, profoundly shaped Safa's early experiences amid the country's sectarian divisions.En , il rachète pour 2,5 millions d'euros les activités « oil and gas » du logisticien français Necotrans, placé en redressement judiciaire partiel le . Il élargit ensuite l’activité des CMN, notamment dans le domaine de la fabrication d’hydroliennes[13]. Avec son frère Akram, faisant jouer leurs réseaux et leurs capacités de négociation, ils en relancent l'activité, en obtenant rapidement des contrats importants avec le Yémen et l'Indonésie, mais surtout avec le sultanat d'Oman puis avec les EAU[5].
L'État grec lui en conteste la propriété. Its role highlighted Safa's broader leverage in French media, where ownership enabled indirect political sway amid a landscape criticized for left-leaning institutional biases in journalism.[61]
Personal Life and Philanthropy
Iskandar Safa
Safa was born in Beirut in 1955 to a Maronite Christian family.