Col sitiveni rabuka biography

Sitiveni Ligamamada Rabuka (born 13 September 1948) is a Fijian retired Major General and politician who has served as Prime Minister of Fiji since 24 December 2022, having previously held the office from 1992 to 1999 following his leadership of the 1987 military coups d'état.^[1][2][3] A career military officer, Rabuka joined the Royal Fiji Military Forces, rising to Commander from 1987 to 1991 after service in United Nations peacekeeping missions in Lebanon and the Sinai Peninsula, and earning a Master's in Military Science from Madras University in 1979.^[2][4] In 1987, as third-in-command of the military, he executed two bloodless coups against the Labour Coalition government of Timoci Bavadra, elected months earlier with strong support from the Indo-Fijian community, citing the need to safeguard indigenous Fijian political dominance and cultural primacy amid fears of ethnic displacement.^[3][5][6] These actions, while precipitating capital flight, international sanctions, and communal tensions that prompted significant Indo-Fijian emigration, led to an interim administration under Rabuka that transitioned to elections in 1992, where his SVT party secured victory, enabling his premiership.^[5][3] During his first term, Rabuka's government promulgated the 1997 Constitution, which introduced an upper house representing indigenous interests, a bill of rights, and alternative vote system to foster power-sharing and mitigate ethnic zero-sum politics, marking a shift toward inclusive governance despite initial resistance from hardline Fijian nationalists.^[7][8] After electoral defeat in 1999 and subsequent roles including as Commonwealth Special Envoy and Chairman of the Great Council of Chiefs, Rabuka re-emerged in 2021 to found the People's Alliance Party, leading a coalition to narrowly win the 2022 general election and oust the long-ruling Frank Bainimarama, whose 2006 coup had abrogated the 1997 framework.^[2][9][10]

Early Life and Education

Childhood and Family Background

Sitiveni Ligamamada Rabuka was born on September 13, 1948, in Drekeniwai, a village in Cakaudrove Province on Vanua Levu, Fiji's second-largest island.^[11][12] He was the son of Kolinio Epeli Vanuacicila Rabuka and Salote Lomaloma Rabuka, and grew up in a rural iTaukei (indigenous Fijian) community amid the post-World War II economic recovery period, characterized by subsistence agriculture and limited infrastructure in northern Fiji.^[12][13]Rabuka's early years were immersed in traditional iTaukei customs, including the vanua system of communal land tenure and hierarchical social structures tied to the Tovata confederacy, which encompasses Cakaudrove and emphasizes collective identity and resource stewardship among indigenous groups.^[14] This rural upbringing exposed him to the empirical realities of ethnic demographics in Fiji, where iTaukei communities navigated coexistence with growing Indo-Fijian populations descended from indentured laborers, fostering an early awareness of cultural preservation amid economic and social shifts.^[15][16]

Formal Education and Early Influences

Sitiveni Rabuka was born on 13 September 1948 in Cakaudrove Province, Fiji, where he completed primary schooling locally before advancing to intermediate education at Bucalevu Provincial School on Taveuni Island.^[1] Accepted into the elite Queen Victoria School (QVS) in Nasinu—a institution established in 1906 specifically for educating the sons of Fijian chiefs—he graduated as head prefect in 1967, demonstrating early leadership aptitude.^[1][17] At QVS, Rabuka earned school colors in athletics, cricket, hockey, and rugby union, sports that played a central role in fostering discipline, teamwork, and communal solidarity among indigenous Fijians, reflecting the game's deep cultural embedding in iTaukei society as a medium for traditional values like hierarchy and collective identity.^[1][3]Following secondary education, Rabuka enlisted in the Royal Fiji Military Forces, undertaking initial officer training at the New Zealand Army School in Waiouru starting in 1968, which provided foundational skills in infantry tactics and command.^[2] This period marked the onset of his formal military education, supplemented by specialized courses such as attendance at India's Defence Services Staff College in 1979, where he studied strategic planning and leadership doctrines applicable to small-nation defense.^[18] These overseas postings in the 1970s exposed him to disciplined hierarchies and operational realism, honing analytical approaches to security challenges rooted in Fiji's geographic vulnerabilities and resource constraints.Rabuka's formative years coincided with Fiji's transition from British colonial rule—characterized by imported Indian indentured labor for plantations, resulting in roughly equal indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian populations by independence in 1970—to a sovereign state with ethnic power-sharing tensions.^[3]Education at QVS, emphasizing chiefly paramountcy and native land tenure (which encompasses 83% of Fiji's territory under communal iTaukei ownership), cultivated a commitment to safeguarding indigenous political and cultural primacy amid demographic parity that could enable electoral shifts favoring non-native majorities, a concern amplified by post-colonial constitutional debates over reserved seats and veto powers for Fijians.^[1] Rugby's prominence further reinforced these influences, serving as a ritualistic arena for iTaukei unity and resilience, prefiguring Rabuka's later emphasis on national cohesion through shared Fijian heritage rather than purely multi-ethnic accommodations.^[3]

Military Career

Enlistment and Early Service

Sitiveni Rabuka enlisted in the Royal Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) in 1968, beginning a career that spanned over two decades until his retirement as a Major General in 1991.^[2] His initial service focused on foundational military training and routine duties within the infantry, building skills in discipline, logistics, and unit cohesion essential for a small island nation's defense forces.^[18]By the late 1970s and early 1980s, Rabuka participated in Fiji's inaugural United Nations peacekeeping missions, including deployments to Lebanon as part of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL).^[19] In 1980, while serving there, he demonstrated combat experience by rescuing a French officer during an attack on UN headquarters, an act that earned him recognition for bravery amid exposure to regional insurgencies and cross-border threats.^[3] These operations highlighted the vulnerabilities of small states reliant on international coalitions for security, as Fijian troops faced sporadic violence in a volatile environment without robust national defenses.^[20]Rabuka's early promotions were merit-based, progressing through infantry command roles, including leading battalions on peacekeeping duties in Lebanon from 1980 to 1981, where he served as a senior operations manager for UNIFIL.^[18][21] His service emphasized loyalty to Fijian sovereignty, with routine engineering support tasks in field operations reinforcing practical expertise in maintaining operational readiness under resource constraints typical of Pacific militaries.^[20] This period solidified his reputation for steadfast performance in multinational settings, prioritizing empirical threat assessment over doctrinal rigidity.^[3]

Rise in the Ranks and Key Operations

Rabuka rose steadily through the ranks of the Royal Fiji Military Forces after commissioning as an officer, attaining the rank of Lieutenant Colonel by the mid-1980s through demonstrated leadership in operational and training capacities.^[22] His professional development included attendance at the New Zealand Army School in 1973, the Indian Defence Services Staff College in 1979, and the Australian Joint Services Staff College in 1982, where he honed skills in staff procedures, tactics, and multinational coordination essential for command roles.^[18] These qualifications positioned him as a capable mid-level officer focused on enhancing Fiji's small force's readiness for both domestic stability and overseas deployments amid underlying ethnic frictions between indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians.^[18]In key operational assignments, Rabuka served as Senior Operations Manager with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) from 1980 to 1981, overseeing logistics and coordination for Fijian contingents in a volatile peacekeeping environment marked by cross-border skirmishes and insurgent threats.^[18] This role underscored his effectiveness in maintaining troop discipline and operational tempo under international scrutiny, with Fiji's contributions noted for reliability in patrolling and observation duties.^[18] Subsequently, from 1983 to 1985, he commanded the Fijian Battalion within the Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) in the Sinai Peninsula, managing a unit responsible for buffer zone enforcement post-peace accords, where Fijian forces conducted routine patrols and infrastructure support without major incidents, affirming the empirical value of disciplined, apolitical military execution.^[18]Domestically, as a senior officer by the early 1980s—third in the command hierarchy—Rabuka contributed to the RFMF's internal security posture, including training exercises aimed at rapid response to potential civil unrest linked to ethnic demographic shifts and political polarization.^[23] These efforts emphasized counter-insurgency preparedness and order maintenance, reflecting the force's mandate to safeguard indigenous interests amid rising Indo-Fijian electoral influence, though specific missions under his direct lead remained routine and non-confrontational prior to 1987.^[23] His interactions within military and chiefly circles during this period fostered ties with traditional Fijian leaders, leveraging shared taukei heritage to bolster recruitment and loyalty in a predominantly native-staffed army.^[18]

The 1987 Fijian Coups d'État

On May 14, 1987, Lieutenant Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka, the third-ranking officer in the Royal Fiji Military Forces, led a group of approximately ten soldiers in a bloodless coup that stormed the Parliament in Suva, detaining Prime Minister Timoci Bavadra and his Labour Coalition cabinet members.^[5] This action ousted the multi-ethnic coalition government, which had won the April 1987 general election by defeating the indigenous Fijian-dominated Alliance Party after 17 years in power.^[24] Rabuka declared martial law and suspended the constitution, citing the need to safeguard indigenous Fijian (taukei) interests against perceived threats from the incoming government's Indo-Fijian support base.^[5]The coups stemmed primarily from taukei anxieties over demographic and political shifts: Indo-Fijians comprised 48.4% of the population versus 46.2% taukei, with the Labour Coalition's victory—backed heavily by Indo-Fijian votes—raising fears of policies that could erode communal land rights (encompassing 83% of Fiji's territory held inalienably by indigenous groups) and diminish taukei cultural and political primacy.^[24][5] Coup supporters, including elements within the military and Taukei Movement, contended that the intervention preempted ethnic conflict by restoring taukei authority, arguing that unchecked Indo-Fijian influence risked marginalizing the indigenous majority in their ancestral domains.^[24] Opponents, including the ousted administration and international bodies, decried the moves as racially motivated authoritarianism that subverted democratic results, prioritizing ethnic hierarchy over constitutional governance.^[24]Rabuka initially yielded executive powers to Governor-General Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau, who assumed control, appointed an advisory Council of Ministers including Rabuka and reinstated former Prime Minister Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, and pursued negotiations among the military, Labour Coalition, and Alliance Party.^[5] Stalemated talks prompted Rabuka's second coup on September 25, 1987, after which he declared Fiji a republic on October 7, abrogated the 1970 constitution, removed the Governor-General, and proclaimed himself head of state and government.^[5][22]Short-term, the coups assuaged taukei unrest by entrenching indigenous-led rule, empirically reducing immediate threats of civil disorder from Fijian nationalists while prompting an exodus of over 12,000 Indo-Fijians and minorities between 1987 and 1989, which equalized ethnic demographics and averted projected Indo-Fijian plurality.^[5] Rabuka relinquished his head of state role on December 6, 1987, enabling Ganilau's installation as President and Mara's return as Prime Minister in a military-supported interim administration that incorporated multiracial elements in its advisory structure.^[5]

Post-Coup Military Leadership

Following the coups of May and September 1987, Sitiveni Rabuka was appointed Commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF), a role he held from 1987 until his retirement as Major General in 1991.^[2] In this capacity, he consolidated military authority to maintain internal stability amid ethnic tensions, overseeing the expansion of the RFMF and prioritizing indigenous Fijian officers in promotions to align the force with the post-coup emphasis on Taukei paramountcy.^[17] These steps aimed to enforce discipline and avert mutinies from elements potentially disloyal to the new order, drawing on Rabuka's prior experience in counter-revolutionary units established during his earlier service.^[25]On December 5, 1987, Rabuka orchestrated the handover of executive power to civilian authorities under Governor-GeneralRatu Sir Penaia Ganilau, who became the first President of Fiji as a republic, thereby formally restoring civilian rule after months of direct military governance.^[26] This transition quelled the acute unrest of the coup period, including widespread riots that had injured dozens and prompted a general strike, fostering a relative calm enforced by RFMF patrols.^[27][28] However, the coups triggered international sanctions, such as Fiji's suspension from the Commonwealth and aid reductions from Australia and New Zealand, contributing to an immediate economic downturn with real output contracting by 6 percent in 1987 alone.^[29]Rabuka's tenure emphasized sustaining the RFMF's contributions to United Nations peacekeeping missions, a longstanding role that predated the coups but persisted afterward to preserve Fiji's regional military standing despite diplomatic isolation.^[20] These deployments, involving Fijian battalions in operations like those in Lebanon and the Sinai, generated remittances and honed skills, offsetting some training disruptions from severed ties with Western partners.^[30] The focus on such external engagements reinforced the military's professional ethos while underscoring its evolving political leverage in domestic affairs.^[31]

Political Career

Entry into Politics and SVT Formation

Following his role in the 1987 coups and subsequent military leadership, Sitiveni Rabuka resigned as Commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces in July 1991 to pursue a political career, becoming co-Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Home Affairs under the interim government.^[32] This shift was motivated by a desire to institutionalize the protection of indigenous Fijian (taukei) interests through electoral politics, amid ongoing concerns over ethnic power-sharing after the coups.^[33]The Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei (SVT), or Fijian Political Party, had been formed earlier in 1990 with the endorsement of the Great Council of Chiefs, explicitly to advance taukei paramountcy—prioritizing indigenous Fijian rights to land, chiefly authority, and political dominance—while operating within the 1990 Constitution's democratic framework that reserved communal seats for ethnic groups.^[34] Rabuka assumed leadership of the SVT in late 1991, positioning the party as a vehicle to consolidate post-coup gains against multiethnic coalitions perceived as threats to native land tenure and cultural primacy, drawing support from traditional chiefly networks and rural Fijian voters wary of Indo-Fijian electoral influence.^[35] The party's platform emphasized verifiable safeguards for taukei communal lands, which comprised over 80% of Fiji's territory under customary inalienable tenure, as a causal bulwark against economic marginalization experienced by indigenous communities.^[36]In the May-June 1992 general elections, the first under the 1990 Constitution, the SVT secured victory primarily through overwhelming ethnic Fijian support, capturing 30 of the 37 seats reserved for Fijian voters and forming a government with an overall majority in the 70-seat House of Representatives.^[37] This outcome reflected the party's appeal to traditional taukei constituencies, who voted at rates exceeding 60% for SVT candidates in communal rolls, rejecting alliances with Indo-Fijian parties in favor of ethno-nationalist consolidation amid fears of diluted indigenous veto powers.^[37]

First Term as Prime Minister (1992–1999)

Sitiveni Rabuka became Prime Minister of Fiji on 2 June 1992, after his Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei (SVT) party secured victory in the parliamentary elections conducted under the 1990 Constitution.^[3][1] This constitution, enacted following the 1987 coups, allocated 24 of 34 Senate seats to indigenous Fijians nominated by the Great Council of Chiefs, granted the Senate veto power over bills affecting Fijian land and customs, and reserved the presidency for a Fijian chief, structures designed to safeguard indigenous political dominance amid demographic parity with Indo-Fijians (approximately 50% indigenous, 44% Indo-Fijian by the mid-1990s).^[38][39] Proponents viewed these provisions as empirically necessary to avert indigenous marginalization, given Indo-Fijians' concentration in urban electorates and prior electoral trends favoring multi-ethnic coalitions perceived as diluting Fijian interests.^[40] Detractors, including Indo-Fijian organizations, contended that it entrenched ethnic hierarchy by capping non-Fijian parliamentary seats and institutionalizing vetoes that subordinated minority representation.^[40][41]Rabuka's administration prioritized economic recovery through liberalization measures, including incentives for foreign investment in tourism and garment manufacturing, sectors that expanded post-coup sanctions and contributed to real GDP averaging around 2-4% annual growth in the mid-1990s despite lingering instability.^[42]Tourism arrivals rebounded, bolstered by marketing campaigns and infrastructure investments, while the lifting of some international sanctions facilitated trade resumption.^[42] Public debt nonetheless climbed, from $776 million in 1992 to $922 million in 1993 and reaching 35% of GDP by 1999, driven by fiscal deficits and development spending.^[43][44] Foreign aid inflows remained constrained until the late 1990s, with full normalization tied to political reforms rather than early economic overtures.^[32]Facing internal party pressures and external calls for reform, Rabuka commissioned a constitutional review in 1995, chaired by Sir Paul Reeves, which produced the 1997 Constitution emphasizing multi-party cabinets, an independent judiciary, and proportional representation with cross-ethnic voting for 25 open seats in the House of Representatives.^[45][46] This framework, co-drafted with Indo-Fijian opposition leader Jai Ram Reddy, was hailed by Commonwealth observers for promoting inclusivity and power-sharing, enabling Fiji's readmission to the organization on 13 October 1997 after a decade-long suspension.^[45][32]Indigenous nationalists within SVT condemned the changes as eroding Fijian veto safeguards, arguing they risked renewed marginalization without empirical evidence of prior threats under the 1990 framework.^[46]Indo-Fijian emigration persisted throughout the term, with 57,000 departing between 1987 and 1999—comprising 84-90% of total outflows from 1986-1997—driven by policies and rhetoric signaling limited political security for minorities, contributing to a decline in their population share from 48% in 1986 to around 44% by 1996.^[47][48][49] Rabuka's government was lauded by indigenous Fijian constituencies for stabilizing post-coup chaos and prioritizing native land rights, yet Indo-Fijian critics and international human rights monitors decried it for discriminatory practices, including affirmative action favoring Fijians in civil service and education, which exacerbated ethnic tensions and economic disparities.^[41][38] These measures, while restoring order for the majority ethnic group, were seen by opponents as causally linked to brain drain and social fragmentation, underscoring the trade-offs of ethno-centric governance in a divided polity.^[47][41]

Post-1999 Political Setbacks

In the general elections held between 8 and 15 May 1999, Sitiveni Rabuka's Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei (SVT) suffered a decisive defeat to a coalition led by the Fiji Labour Party (FLP) under Mahendra Chaudhry, winning only 11 of the 71 seats in the House of Representatives despite securing the largest share of first-preference votes among indigenous Fijian parties.^[50][51] Rabuka conceded the results on 17 May, transitioning to the role of Leader of the Opposition, where he critiqued the incoming government's policies amid ongoing ethnic tensions.^[50]The SVT's loss stemmed primarily from the fragmentation of the indigenous Fijian (taukei) vote under the alternative vote system introduced by the 1997 Constitution, which Rabuka had endorsed; while SVT garnered strong initial support from taukei voters, preferences from smaller Fijian parties flowed disproportionately to the FLP coalition, amplifying the impact of intra-taukei divisions.^[52] Empirical factors included taukei disillusionment with Rabuka's shift toward multiracial accommodation—perceived as diluting ethnic paramountcy after the ethno-nationalist coups he led in 1987—coupled with voter fatigue following seven years of SVT governance marked by modest GDP growth averaging around 2% annually and persistent unemployment rates exceeding 10%.^[53] Economic grievances, such as unresolved land lease disputes and perceptions of cronyism in public appointments, further eroded support, though these reflected implementation shortfalls rather than core policy flaws, as the consolidated Indo-Fijian vote (over 80% for FLP) exploited the taukei split without equivalent fragmentation on their side.^[54]As opposition leader, Rabuka encountered immediate challenges in consolidating Fijian political forces, with SVT facing internal dissent and early splintering as disaffected members aligned with emerging taukei-centric groups, diminishing the party's cohesion ahead of potential future contests.^[53] Rabuka later reflected that the defeat highlighted the practical limits of multiracialism in Fiji's ethnically divided society, where taukei voters prioritized communal security over inclusive reforms, underscoring causal ethnic incentives over ideological shifts as the binding constraint on his political vision.^[55]

2000 Coup d'État and Mutiny Allegations

On May 19, 2000, George Speight led a group of armed nationalists in seizing the Fijian Parliament, holding Prime MinisterMahendra Chaudhry and several cabinet members hostage for 56 days in an effort to oust the ethnic Indian-led government and install an interim administration favoring indigenous Fijian (taukei) interests.^[56] Sitiveni Rabuka, as a prominent taukei nationalist and former prime minister, positioned himself as a mediator in negotiations to resolve the standoff, engaging with Speight and military leaders to facilitate hostage releases and push for a moderated transition of power.^[57] However, critics accused Rabuka of providing tacit support to the coup by leveraging his influence to advance taukei supremacist aims, alleging his involvement extended beyond mediation to endorsing the disruption of the democratically elected Chaudhry government.^[58] Rabuka has denied orchestrating or directing the events, instead framing his role as an attempt to contain Speight's radicalism and prevent broader ethnic violence, while later urging Speight to disclose any external backers behind the coup to clarify lingering suspicions.^[59]The crisis escalated into a military mutiny on November 2, 2000, when elements of the Counter Revolutionary Warfare (CRW) Unit rebelled against Commodore Frank Bainimarama's interim leadership at Queen Elizabeth Barracks in Suva, resulting in the deaths of four soldiers and injuries to several others during clashes.^[60] Investigations by the Fijian authorities implicated Rabuka through phone records showing communications with mutineers shortly before and during the uprising, raising suspicions of his role in inciting or coordinating the rebellion to challenge Bainimarama's authority.^[61] Rabuka was named a suspect and questioned, but he dismissed the allegations as unsubstantiated hearsay, asserting that his contacts were limited to de-escalation efforts, such as traveling to the barracks to convene talks amid the chaos.^[62]Despite the phone evidence and initial probes, Rabuka faced no charges and was formally cleared in two subsequent criminal trials, with courts finding insufficient proof of direct orchestration or command responsibility.^[63] Supporters argue his actions, if any, aimed to avert a descent into unchecked radicalism by nationalist factions, preserving stability in a polarized ethnic context.^[57] Detractors, however, contend the allegations highlight a pattern of undermining democratic institutions to prioritize taukei dominance, even absent conviction, as the mutiny prolonged instability following Speight's coup.^[60] No empirical evidence has emerged to conclusively link Rabuka to planning either event, though the episodes fueled ongoing debates about accountability in Fiji's recurrent political crises.^[62]

2006 Arrest, Election, and Coup Context

In May 2006, Sitiveni Rabuka was charged with two counts of inciting mutiny for allegedly urging senior military officers to overthrow Commander Frank Bainimarama during failed barracks revolts in July and November 2000, shortly after the Speight coup.^[64][65] The charges stemmed from a protracted investigation into post-coup unrest that resulted in eight soldiers' deaths during the November incident at Suva's Queen Elizabeth Barracks.^[66] Rabuka, who denied involvement, pleaded not guilty in June and remained on bail under restrictions, including a travel ban and orders not to contact witnesses.^[67][68]These legal proceedings overlapped with Fiji's general election held from May 6 to 13, in which Rabuka's Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei (SVT) party, representing indigenous Fijian interests, secured no seats in the 71-member House of Representatives amid a fragmented vote among ethnic Fijian parties.^[69] The SVT's collapse reflected Rabuka's diminished influence since his 1999 ouster, exacerbated by the charges and competition from Laisenia Qarase's Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL), which formed a coalition government with 36 seats.^[70]On December 5, 2006, Bainimarama executed a military coup, ousting Qarase's government on grounds of alleged corruption and opposition to legislation granting amnesty to 2000 coup perpetrators.^[71] Five days later, on December 10, a Suva court acquitted Rabuka of the mutiny charges after trial assessors found insufficient evidence of incitement.^[72][73] This sequence of events for Rabuka—legal vindication amid national upheaval—illustrated Fiji's recurrent pattern of military interventions disrupting civilian rule, often triggered by unresolved grievances from prior ethnic-based power contests.^[74]

Opposition and Party Leadership (2006–2022)

Following the 2006 coup led by Commodore Frank Bainimarama, Rabuka re-entered active politics as a critic of the interim regime, aligning with opposition voices emphasizing democratic restoration and indigenous Fijian (taukei) interests.

Rabuka was later replaced as SODELPA leader by Viliame Gavoka.

Founding the People's Alliance

In 2020, Rabuka resigned from the Fijian Parliament and formed a new political party called the People's Alliance to contest the 2022 general election. As opposition leader, Rabuka consistently criticized Bainimarama's government for suppressing media freedom through restrictive decrees and self-censorship pressures on journalists, as well as alleged corruption in public office, though his own credibility faced scrutiny when charged by the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) in May 2018 over undeclared assets; he was acquitted in April 2019.^{[77][78][79][80]}Rabuka's tenure emphasized rule-of-law reforms and alliances with civil society groups opposing Bainimarama's authoritarian tendencies, including media muzzling and electoral manipulations that opposition figures argued undermined fair competition.

Despite the defeat, Rabuka's harder-line stance on taukeirights—contrasting Gavoka's broader appeal—bolstered his nationalist credentials among party hardliners and taukei voters disillusioned with Bainimarama's multiracial rhetoric, which masked policies perceived as eroding indigenous paramountcy. In the 2018 general election on November 14, SODELPA, under Rabuka's leadership, nominated a full slate of 51 candidates and won 5 seats, with Rabuka securing election as a parliamentarian despite FijiFirst reducing its majority to 27 seats but retaining power.

He also held the position of Chairman of the Great Council of Chiefs from 1999 to 2001 and Chairman of the Provincial Council of Cakaudrove from 2001 to 2008.

Political Career

In 2016, Rabuka became the leader of the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA), replacing Opposition Leader Ro Teimumu Kepa, who publicly disapproved of Rabuka's leadership bid.

Rabuka did not win a seat in 2014 but positioned himself within SODELPA's leadership, advocating for policies that prioritized taukei land rights and cultural preservation amid Bainimarama's promotion of multiracialism, which critics viewed as diluting indigenous protections under a facade of equality.^[75][76]By 2016, Rabuka had risen to become SODELPA leader and Leader of the Opposition, using the platform to unify party factions while extending outreach to Indo-Fijian voters without compromising core taukei advocacy.

He joined the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA), a party rooted in nationalist appeals to the taukei majority, which had emerged as the primary opposition after the 2014 general election where it secured 15 seats against Bainimarama's FijiFirst party's 32. He became the Leader of the Parliamentary Opposition in 2018 following an electoral defeat.