Short biography machiavelli
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In 1512, however, with the assistance of Spanish troops, the Medici defeated the republic's armed forces and dissolved the government. The work is divided into three books, each focusing on different aspects of republican governance: the establishment and maintenance of political institutions, the role of the military, and the importance of civic virtue.
In The Discourses, Machiavelli argues that a well-ordered republic is the best form of government because it promotes liberty and allows for the active participation of citizens in public life.
The republic governed by words and persuasion—in sum, ruled by public speech—is almost sure to realize the common good of its citizens; and even should it err, recourse is always open to further discourse. Through its satirical portrayal of corruption and self-interest, The Mandrake showcases Machiavelli’s ability to engage with political themes in a more accessible and entertaining format.
Despite his literary success, Machiavelli’s personal life during these years was marked by hardship.
Machiavelli was sent twice to Cesare Borgia, and witnessed Borgia’s bloody vengeance on his mutinous captains at the town of Sinigaglia (December 31, 1502), of which he wrote a famous account, On the Manner Adopted by the Duke Valentino to Kill Vitellozzo…. (Descrizione del modo tenuto dal Duca Valentino nello ammazzare Vitellozzo… ).
He was tortured to extract a confession of high treason, but he maintained his innocence. Although there has been much debate about whether Machiavelli was truly a friend of princes and tyrants or of republics, and hence whether we should dismiss one or another facet of his writing as ancillary or peripheral, the questions seems irresolvable.
The tradition of classical rhetoric, with which he was evidently familiar, directly associated public speaking with contention: the proper application of speech in the realms of forensic and deliberative genres of rhetoric is an adversarial setting, with each speaker seeking to convince his audience of the validity of his own position and the unworthiness of his opponents'.
Unfortunately, he could not return to the civil service.
The following 8 he spent many years in the small estate of Sant'andrea.
Hence, “Enmities between the people and the Senate should, therefore, be looked upon as an inconvenience which it is necessary to put up with in order to arrive at the greatness of Rome” (Machiavelli 1965, 211). He contrasts this with the corruption and self-interest that he observed in contemporary Florence, warning that a lack of civic virtue could lead to the downfall of a republic.
Machiavelli also emphasizes the importance of the rule of law in maintaining a republic.
His final years were marked by frustration and disappointment, as he was unable to achieve the political influence he had once enjoyed. ISBN 1858981018
Even the Emperor Severus, whose techniques Machiavelli lauds, succeeded because he employed “the courses of action that are necessary for establishing himself in power”; he is not, however, to be imitated universally (Machiavelli 1965, 73). Machiavelli’s influence extends beyond political theory; his ideas on realpolitik and statecraft have shaped modern political discourse and leadership practices.
He was not at all embarrassed by the cold-blooded and cynical decisions of the former Minister of the Church, which were inappropriate from the point of view of the prevailing Christian morality.
Machiavelli also believed that the most reliable way to control subjects is through fear, because popular love is fickle and it is quite difficult to predict how it will change in the future.
His interest in military matters was not merely theoretical; he actively participated in the organization and training of troops, which he detailed in his later work, “The Art of War.”
Machiavelli’s political career was marked by his pragmatic approach to governance. Select titles only. It was written in hopes of securing the favor of the Medici family and was therefore deliberately provocative.
Under the terms of his contract, Machiavelli was permitted to undertake additional employment. Neither Fabius nor Scipio was able to escape “his ways and habits” (Machiavelli 1965, 452), but the fact that Rome could call on each at the appropriate moment suggests to Machiavelli an inherent strength of the republican system.
If Fabius had been king of Rome, he might easily have lost this war, since he was incapable of altering his methods according as circumstance changed.